第1个回答 2006-10-17
黑种人：马丁.路德金
安南
马丁·路德·金简介
1929年1月15日，小马丁·路德·金出生在美国亚特兰大市奥本街501号，一幢维多利亚式的小楼里。他的父亲是牧师，母亲是教师。他从母亲那里学会了怎样去爱、同情和理解他人；从父亲那里学到了果敢、坚强、率直和坦诚。但他在黑人区生活，也感受到人格的尊严和作为黑人的痛苦。15岁时，聪颖好学的金以优异成绩进入摩尔豪斯学院攻读社会学，后获得文学学士学位。
尽管美国战后经济发展很快，强大的政治、军事力量使它登上了“自由世界”盟主的交椅。可国内黑人却在经济和政治上受到歧视与压迫。面对丑恶的现实，金立志为争取社会平等与正义作一名牧师。他先后就读于克拉泽神学院和波士顿大学，于1955年获神学博士学位后，到亚拉巴马州蒙哥马利市得克斯基督教浸礼会教堂作牧师。
1955年12月，蒙哥马利节警察当局以违反公共汽车座位隔离条令为由，逮捕了黑人妇女罗莎·帕克斯。金遂同几位黑人积极分子组织起“蒙哥马利市政改进协会”，号召全市近5万名黑人对公共法与公司进行长达1年的抵制，迫使法院判决取消地方运输工具上的座位隔离。这是美国南部黑人第一次以自己的力量取得斗争胜利，从而揭开了持续10余年的民权运动的序幕，也使金博士锻炼成民权运动的领袖。
1968年4月4日，金被种族分子暗杀。
美国政府规定，从1986年起，每年1月的第3个星期一为小马丁·路德·金全国纪念日。
关于非暴力主张
伴随着种族主义长大的马丁·路德·金，深受种族主义的伤害，所以他积极参加反对种族隔离制度的斗争。但他主张的却是非暴力的斗争，而这种斗争方式的确是有思想原因的。他受甘地主义和基督教教义影响很深，是一位典型的和平主义者。他强调在争取黑人自由平等权利的斗争中，不应干违法的事，不能让“创造性的抗议堕落成为暴力行为”，必须要有“用精神力量对付武力”的崇高境界。这里的精神力量在他看来，就是要以基督教宣传的“博爱”、“仁慈”来感化黑人的敌人并使之放下屠刀。
金之所以有这种思想与其青年时的学习有直接关系的。他在宾夕法尼亚的克罗泽学院学习时，利用业余时间，阅读了著名的神学著作——人们写的关于信仰的书，还有哲学著作——关于生活方式的书。这些书的思想给其留下了深刻的印象，并最终用于实践。但使马丁·路德·金最为激动的则是圣雄甘地的思想。甘地的非暴力，或称精神力量的哲学是印度人民对抗英帝国主义政治、军事力量的精神支柱。印度人民不断举行示威游行，反对外国政治的统治，无论这样统治是否出于善意。也无论是否正确，他们要自己来做出决定。
甘地说虽然他们必须准备好为取得独立而牺牲自己的生命，他们也决不可为此而进行杀戮——不管受到多么粗暴的对待。
马丁开始相信在印度能取得胜利，在美国也可以。他用自己的行动领导了一场声势浩大的以非暴力为原则的民权运动。
本次演讲背景
50年代的美国南部，好像一座对付“解放了的”黑人的监狱。而阿拉巴马州又是种族歧视最为猖獗的一个州，在这里，黑人的选举权力受到野蛮剥夺和限制，骇人听闻的迫害黑人的私刑暴行不断发生，种族隔离制度使黑人不能与白人同校，不能在同一个教堂做礼拜，不准进入为白人开设的旅馆、客栈、饭馆和娱乐场所，连公共汽车站上也树立了栅栏，规定白人黑人分别上车。
年轻的伴随着种族主义歧视长大的黑人牧师马丁·路德·金到任不久，便参加并领导了1955年蒙哥马利市黑人抵制乘坐公共汽车的反种族歧视运动，最终迫使美国最高法院作出取消这种制度的决定。1963年他组织的伯明翰黑人争取自由平等权利的大规模游行示威，把黑人运动从南方推向北方。8月28日，斗争达到高潮。25万人聚集首都华盛顿，以和平集会方式举行“自由进军”的示威，就在林肯纪念堂前，马丁·路德·金向示威群众发表了这篇激动人心的演说。在演讲中，表达了他的非暴力主义思想以及他对自由平等公正的追求与憧憬
1968年4月4日，金被种族分子暗杀。 美国政府规定，从1986年起，每年1月的第3个星期一为小马丁·路德·金全国纪念日。
科菲·安南，加纳人，是联合国第七任秘书长，也是出身联合国工作人员行列而当选的第一位秘书长。他于1997年1月1日就职。2001年6月29日根据安理会的建议联合国大会正式任命安南先生连任下一届秘书长.
安南先生就任秘书长后的优先措施是:通过全面改革方案恢复联合国的活力；加强联合国在发展和维持国际和平与安全方面的传统工作；鼓励并提倡人权、法治以及《联合国宪章》所载的关于平等、容忍和人类尊严的普遍价值观念；恢复公众对联合国的信任，向新的伙伴伸手和套用他的话说，“使联合国更接近人民”。
安南先生1938年4月8日生于加纳的库马西。他曾就读于库马西科技大学，1961年在美国明尼苏达州圣保罗市麦卡利斯特学院完成经济学本科课程。1961年至1962年，他在日内瓦国际高级研究学院攻读经济学研究生课程。1971-1972年，他是麻省理工学院斯隆研究员，获得管理学硕士学位。
安南先生于1962年进入联合国系统工作，担任设在日内瓦的世界卫生组织的行政和预算干事。后来，他任职于设在亚的斯亚贝巴的联合国非洲经济委员会、驻在伊斯梅利亚的联合国紧急部队(第二期紧急部队)、设在日内瓦的联合国难民事务高级专员办事处，并在纽约联合国总部历任主管人力资源管理助理秘书长兼联合国系统安全协调员(1987年至1990年)及主管方案规划、预算和财务助理秘书长兼财务主任(1990年至1992年)。1990年，继伊拉克入侵科威特后，秘书长派安南先生担负一项特别任务，协助撤出伊拉克境内的900多名国际工作人员和西方国家的国民。随后，他又率领联合国的第一个工作队，同伊拉克谈判出售石油以购买人道主义援助物品的问题。
安南先生被任命为秘书长之前，曾任主管维持和平行动助理秘书长(1993年3月至1994年2月)，后来改任副秘书长(1994年2月至1995年10月；1996年4月至1996年12月)。他担任副秘书长期间，恰逢联合国维持和平行动的规模和范围空前扩大，在1995年达到高峰，总共部署来自77个国家将近7万名军事和文职人员。1995年11月至1996年3月，继签订《代顿和平协定》结束波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那战争之后，安南先生被秘书长派到前南斯拉夫去担任他的特别代表，监督波斯尼亚和黑塞哥维那境内联合国保护部队(联保部队)与北大西洋公约组织(北约)率领的多国执行部队(执行部队)的移交手续。
就任秘书长后，安南先生提出的第一个主要倡议是他的改革计划:“振兴联合国”。这项计划于1997年7月提交给会员国，此后一直继续推行，其重点是改进连贯性和协调。他多次努力维持国际社会对非洲这个世界上处境最为不利的区域的承诺，包括在1998年4月向安全理事会提出关于“非洲境内冲突起因和促进持久和平与可持续发展”的报告。他曾在若干敏感的政治局势中进行斡旋，包括在1998年设法促使伊拉克遵守安全理事会的决议，在1998年出差帮助促进尼日利亚过渡到文人执政局面，在1999年促成协议解决利比亚与安全理事会在1988年洛克比炸机事件上的僵局，在1999年以外交手段促成国际上对东帝汶暴乱的回应，核实了2000年9月以色列自黎巴嫩撤出之举，以及自2000年9月重新爆发暴力事件后进一步努力鼓励以色列人和巴勒斯坦人根据安全理事会第242号与第338号决议和“土地换和平”原则通过和平谈判解决他们的歧异。
他还设法提高妇女在秘书处的地位，并与对联合国的能力有所补益的民间组织、私营部门和其他非国家行动者建立更密切的伙伴关系；特别是他呼吁缔结“全球协约”，由全球企业界和劳工组织与民间组织领袖人物参与，使全世界人民能够分享全球化的好处和将满足社会经济需要的基本价值与做法引进全球市场之中。
他在2000年4月以“我们人民：二十一世纪联合国的作用”为题，发表了千年报告，吁请会员国全心投入一项行动计划，以消除贫穷和不平等现象、改善教育、减少艾滋病毒/艾滋病、保护环境和保护各国人民免受致命冲突与暴乱。该报告后来成为2000年9月在联合国总部举行的千年首脑会议上国家元首和政府首脑通过的《千年宣言》的基础。
秘书长在2001年4月发表了被他称为“个人优先事项”的解决艾滋病毒/艾滋病流行病五点“行动呼吁”，并提议设立全球保健基金，作为一项机制，用作帮助遭遇危机的发展中国家所需的更多开支的一部分。
2001年10月12日挪威诺贝尔委员会宣布，联合国与联合国秘书长安南共同分享2001年诺贝尔和平奖。该委员会表示，这一决定是为了表彰安南为创建一个"更有组织与和平的世界"所作出的努力。该委员会还高度赞扬了安南自近五年前担任秘书长以来为联合国所注入的新活力、以及在消除贫困和与艾滋病和国际恐怖主义抗争中所做出的贡献。
秘书长能说流利的英语、法语和几种非洲语言。他的夫人娜内·安南是瑞典人，律师，现为艺术家，她对了解联合国在这方面的工作至感兴趣,目前她最关心的是艾滋病毒/艾滋病和对妇女的教育问题。她还曾为儿童写书介绍联合国。安南先生和夫人有三名子女
乔丹 蓝球运动员，在他的感召下，芝加哥从犯罪之城变成了篮球之城。
马丁·路德·金 美国反种族歧视的代名词，其反种族宣言《我有一个梦》成为现代大学生必背100篇文章之一。
I Have A Dream
Martin Luther King, Jr,
Delivered on the steps at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington D.C. August 28, 1963.
I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.
Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves, who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity. But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination.
One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.
In a sense we have come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the inalienable rights of life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.
It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."
But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. So we have come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.
We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.
It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end but a beginning. Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual.
There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.
But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. In the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must ever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.
The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. They have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone.
And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.
I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecutions and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair. I say to you today, my friends, so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow. I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.
I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed; we hold these truths to be self-evident that all men are created equal.
I have a dream,
that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.
I have a dream,
that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.
I have a dream,
that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.
I have a dream today!
I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification; one day right down in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers. I have a dream today!
I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain and the crooked places will be made straight and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together.
This is our hope. This is the faith that I will go back to the South with. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day. This will be the day, this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning "My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride, from every mountainside, let freedom ring!" And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.
And so let freedom ring
from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.
Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.
Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.
Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.
Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.
But not only that.
Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.
Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.
Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi, from every mountainside,
let freedom ring! And when this happens, when we allow freedom to ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, "Free at last, free at last. Thank God Almighty, we are free at last."本回答被网友采纳